Why Communion Could Be Denied to
Anti-Life Legislators: Interview With an American Theologian in Rome
-- (www.zenit.org,
4/28/2004)
ROME, APRIL 26, 2004 (Zenit.org).- Moves by the Church to deny Holy
Communion to staunchly pro-abortion Catholic politicians are growing.
At a Vatican press conference last
Friday, Cardinal Francis Arinze said that politicians who unambiguously
support abortion must not go to Communion and priests must deny them the
sacrament.
Last January, then Bishop Raymond Burke
of La Crosse, Wisconsin, issued a decree forbidding Catholic legislators
who support abortion or euthanasia from receiving Communion.
To learn more about the canonical and
pastoral implications of these declarations, ZENIT interviewed American
theologian Father Thomas Williams, dean of the School of Theology of the
Regina Apostolorum Pontifical Athenaeum.
Q: Is the Church beginning to adopt a
hard-line stance regarding the reception of Holy Communion?
Father Williams: The Church has always
taken this issue seriously. In very strong terms St. Paul admonished the
Church in Corinth: "Whoever, therefore, eats the bread or drinks
the cup of the Lord in an unworthy manner will be guilty of profaning
the body and blood of the Lord. Let a man examine himself, and so eat of
the bread and drink of the cup." That's in 1 Corinthians 11:27-28.
The 1983 Code of Canon Law, echoing the
teaching of the Council of Trent, Canon 11, states that, without a very
serious reason, a person who is aware of having committed a mortal sin
should voluntarily abstain from Communion. "A person who is
conscious of grave sin is not … to receive the Body of the Lord
without prior sacramental confession," says Canon 916 of the 1983
code.
Q: But isn't there a big difference
between encouraging those in a state of sin to abstain from Communion
and forbidding Communion to determined persons?
Father Williams: Yes, of course. Whereas
anyone who is aware of having committed a grave sin of any sort, hidden
or public, should willingly abstain from Holy Communion, only grave sins
committed overtly or publicly provide grounds for non-admittance to
Communion on the part of priests and bishops.
The pertinent reference in canon law can
be found in Canon 915. In its entirety, this brief canon reads:
"Those who are excommunicated or interdicted after the imposition
or declaration of the penalty and others who obstinately persist in
manifest grave sin are not to be admitted to Holy Communion."
This canon treats two instances where
members of the faithful are not to be admitted to Communion. The first
deals with excommunication and interdicts -- ecclesiastical censures
forbidding participation in the sacraments -- and the second refers to
obstinate persistence in manifest grave sin.
Q: So in the case of pro-abortion
politicians we would be dealing with a situation of manifestly grave
sin? What does this mean?
Father Williams: The technical language
of the code which refers to those who "obstinately persist in
manifest grave sin" must be carefully parsed.
Four essential elements come into play,
all of which are necessary to fulfill the conditions laid out in Canon
915.
The first element is "gravi peccato,"
or grave sin. This can only be taken to refer to the matter of the
action -- or omission -- without necessarily implying a judgment of
subjective culpability. "Grave sin" in this case simply means
objectively evil conduct of a serious nature.
The second requirement specified by Canon
915 refers to the "manifesto," or overt, character of the sin.
This stipulation limits the sanction to sins of a public nature, and
reiterates the public and ecclesial dimension of Holy Communion, which
signifies moral, spiritual and doctrinal union with Christ and with his
Church.
Thirdly, to be refused Communion a person
must persist -- "perseverantes" -- in this openly sinful
behavior. To say that a person persists in a public sin means that he
somehow makes it known that he plans to continue engaging in his sinful
behavior.
Finally, the code speaks of obstinate
persistence. The Latin adverb "obstinate" here means that the
person has been duly informed of the evil of his behavior but
deliberately chooses to persist in it anyway.
There is such a thing as inculpable
persistence in evildoing, when a person is unaware that a certain
habitual activity is sinful. But once the evil of his actions has been
brought to his attention, his persistence qualifies as obstinate.
Judging from the foregoing
considerations, it seems clear that a politician who votes in a way that
fails to defend innocent human life on a consistent basis and gives
every indication of his intention to keep doing so despite warnings from
ecclesiastical authorities can be said to obstinately persist in
objectively evil behavior of a public nature. And in this regard he
fulfills the requirements of Canon 915.
Q: In Bishop Burke's Notification, made
public this past January, he speaks of scandal. To fail to "uphold
the natural and divine law regarding the inviolable dignity of all human
life," he writes, "is a grave public sin and gives scandal to
all the faithful." How does scandal fit into the equation?
Father Williams: Though in common
language "scandal" often refers to something shocking or
disgraceful, the word comes from the Greek "skandalon" -- a
stumbling block -- and properly means "an attitude or behavior
which leads another to do evil," as the Catechism says in No. 2284.
Because of their high public visibility
and moral authority, politicians can, by their example, lead others to
good or to evil.
According to the Catechism, No. 2285:
"Scandal is grave when given by those who by nature or office are
obliged to teach and educate others." We further read in No. 2286
that "they are guilty of scandal who establish laws or social
structures leading to the decline of morals."
Along with its practical role of making
certain actions punishable or permissible under the law, civil
legislation has a pedagogical role as well and thus contributes to the
formation of public opinion and private conscience.
The criminalization or legalization of
determined activities influences the way people view the morality of
such activities since it represents a social judgment on this sort of
behavior. Thus legislators, even more than other public figures, are
called to a higher standard of accountability because of their moral
authority and the influence that their decisions have on others.
Q: In his comments last Friday, Cardinal
Arinze stated: "The norm of the Church is clear. The Catholic
Church exists in the U.S.A. and there are bishops there. Let them
interpret." If the norm is clear, why is interpretation necessary?
Father Williams: One thing is the
objective norm, another the application to specific cases.
According to the Code of Canon Law, it
falls to the local bishop -- the "ordinary" -- to determine
when such situations arise and to take the appropriate steps to correct
the causes.
Canon 1339 states in part: "An
ordinary can likewise rebuke a person from whose behavior there arises
scandal or serious disturbance of order in a manner accommodated to the
special conditions of the person and the deed." Thus it falls to
bishops to apply these sanctions.
Q: Won't such sanctions be seen as
playing partisan politics?
Father Williams: In the specific case of
Catholic politicians who openly dissent from the Church's stand on life,
prudence is particularly necessary.
Especially in the present instance, when
the major political parties differentiate themselves along these lines,
great care must be taken to avoid the appearance of partisan politics
while at the same time giving an unequivocal message of both the
Church's position on abortion and the importance she accords to this
issue because of its centrality to the common good.
Where a political party takes an
anti-life stand as a fundamental component of its platform, the Church
may have no choice but to denounce it.
If the Church's pastors were to make it
clear to politicians that abortion is truly a non-negotiable question
and one on which they were prepared to "go to the mat," they
would exert considerable moral, and political, pressure on all
politicians to give this moral issue the weight it deserves.
Sometimes a prophetic voice is needed to
shake people out of their moral lethargy, especially when people have
come to accept as "normal" something which by rights should
provoke moral outrage.
If publicly supporting abortion doesn't
constitute a sufficient pastoral reason to justify the denial of Holy
Communion, it is hard to imagine when recourse to this measure would be
appropriate.
Q: Is this issue really that important?
Should bishops really risk their moral authority on the question of
pro-abortion legislators?
Father Williams: A glance at the past may
prove instructive. History tends to be severe in its judgments of Church
leaders who failed to use all the means at their disposal to put an end
to egregious sins against human rights.
It is sufficient to recall events of the
past centuries such as the African slave trade or apartheid or Hitler's
Germany to bring home this argument.
Situations which appeared complicated and
multifaceted at the time take on a peculiar starkness when viewed with
historical hindsight.
A dispassionate analysis of the facts may
show that the current situation with legalized abortion is no less grave
than the greatest human rights issues of other times.
Though we may be inured to the grim
reality of abortion, it seems likely that once civilization has comes to
its senses, future generations will look back on our time as one of the
most barbarous in history, not merely for our wars and terrorism, but
especially for the antiseptic extermination of the most defenseless
members of our society, the poorest of the poor, precisely because they
have no voice.
Furthermore, the mere magnitude of the
crisis -- now more than 40 million planned deaths of unborn children in
the United States alone since the legalization of abortion in 1973 -- is
sufficient to make abortion the greatest social justice issue of all
time. |